Tag Archives: Working Class

The UK's working classes have lost out

Tighter money as class conflict: why the UK’s working classes lost out

In previous posts I argued that: (1) the UK’s working classes have lost out as a result of our rulers’ responses to covid, the war in Ukraine, and inflation; and (2) this outcome wasn’t necessary.  The next step is to explain why elites responded in the way that they did, why they chose policies detrimental to the working class.  In this essay, the focus will be on the decision to tighten monetary policy in the face of rising prices.  Subsequent posts will examine the choices of proxy war with Russia and lockdowns.

Explanations of the policy response to inflation have come in three types: those emphasising a monetarist bias; those concentrating on central bank credibility; and those focusing on distributional conflict.  The first two can be readily dismissed, as we’ll see, but the third puts us on the right track: the response to inflation has been detrimental to the working class because policymakers have prioritised the interests of productive capital; this reflects not only a structural advantage enjoyed by capital but also the weakness of Britain’s labour movement.

As I’ve detailed elsewhere, current price rises have been driven primarily by supply-side shocks (lockdowns, the war in Ukraine) and secondarily by corporate profiteering.  The policy response, however, has been to hike interest rates, giving the impression that our rulers are treating inflation as a problem of excess aggregate demand.  According to this approach, tighter money should remove demand from the economy and so bring prices down.  This may well happen.  But the point here is that, from the standpoint of the working class, a better approach would be for policymakers to promote supply-enhancing measures and to rein in price gouging.  So why haven’t they done these things?

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Can the Labour Party reconnect with the working class

Can Labour reconnect with the working class?

Labour is no longer the party of the working class.  This was confirmed by last year’s general election, which saw Labour slump to its lowest seat-share in over eighty years and lose a significant number of its ‘heartland’ constituencies to the Conservatives.  The Tories’ breach of the so-called ‘red wall’ portends a bleak future for Labour.  Without reconnecting with working class voters, the party will likely be out of power for at least another decade.  Yet there is little sign that Labour is capable of winning these voters back.  In fact, the political thought that prevails in the party works against this outcome, a point that is most clearly illustrated by the issue of culture.

Culture now sits alongside economics as a major political faultline.  In Britain, this was revealed most starkly by the EU referendum.  Though the classic left/right divide mattered to this vote, its result was primarily shaped by a value cleavage.  Broadly speaking, the culturally conservative backed leave and the culturally liberal backed remain.  Working class voters on the whole were in favour of Brexit, a position that reflected their desire for more economic and cultural security.  This demand for cultural security may be thought of as patriotism, defined by George Orwell as “devotion to a particular place and a particular way of life”.

Under Boris Johnson, the Conservatives have grasped what many blue collar Britons are after, as shown by their policy platform of moving left on economics while delivering Brexit and a tighter immigration regime.  The best that can be said about Labour is that its Corbynite policies have spoken to the working class’ economic concerns.  But that is all.

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